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Do Labor Practices Matter?
by Jim Surowiecki (Surowiecki)

A recent study of developing countries pointed to something called "the Nike effect." The authors of the study suggested that if you wanted to know which countries were on the verge of explosive development, you'd be well-advised to check out the countries that NIKE <% if gsSubBrand = "aolsnapshot" then Response.Write("(NYSE: NKE)") else Response.Write("(NYSE: NKE)") end if %> was getting ready to move its plants out of. Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Indonesia, and now Vietnam: Nike's trek through East Asia has, in fact, proven to be an excellent predictor of economic growth.

It's also, of course, proven to be an excellent predictor of authoritarian politics. In fact, essentially all of the countries in which Nike has made its shoes have been characterized by a low-wage workforce, stable and generally authoritarian governments, and little or no union activism. By paying its workers cents -- lately it's become dollars -- a day, Nike has been able to maintain huge margins while spending massive sums on the advertising that brings people into the stores.

Although last year was the first year in which real public attention was focused on Nike's labor practices abroad, it's important to recognize that manufacturing shoes in low-wage countries was, from the start, a crucial part of Phil Knight's plan for his company. In other words, we're not talking here about American jobs that have been shipped abroad. On the contrary, Nike has never made shoes in the United States. Its first factories, built in the 1960s, were in Japan, when that country was still a part of the Third World. And the thirty years since have seen Nike migrate from nation to nation, arriving as countries install the necessary mechanisms for orderly business operations and leaving as living standards become too high to make manufacturing profitable.

Thus the remarkable comment by Nike spokesman Jim Small after a strike by Indonesian workers won them a raise at a Nike subcontractor: "[T]here's concern whether or not Indonesia could be reaching a point where it's pricing itself out of the market."

Up to this point, Nike's strategy has certainly been a winner. And in a world of global capitalism, there's a real argument to be made that apparel manufacturing and other low-value-added production should be situated in countries without technological advantages or high living standards. In that sense, the Nike effect is not just a coincidence. Companies like Nike *do* provide countries like Vietnam with the industrial foundations for economic development. Just as the first great factories in the U.S. were apparel manufacturers -- now long since abandoned -- so too were Malaysia's and Indonesia's. To call it a win-win situation would undoubtedly overstate the case, but the whole point of the economic theory of competitive advantage is that different countries will end up producing different goods.

And yet, Nike has not done an especially good job of scrutinizing the subcontractors with which it's working. Nor has it been open about its labor practices in the way public companies should be expected to be. Cameramen have been barred from factory floors. Supervisors at a plant in Vietnam apparently beat workers being paid 20 cents an hour and refused to allow them to leave their work posts. Indonesian labor organizers have been tossed in jail. And, most troubling, nearly all the soccer balls made in Pakistan have been revealed to have been made by young children getting paid just cents a day. Next to these pictures, place the recent photo of Phil Knight on the cover of Fortune, smiling broadly at his company's overwhelming success. It's a disturbing juxtaposition.

It's also a juxtaposition that, in the long run, may work to erode Nike's dominance of the shoe market in the U.S. This is the first time that Nike has had to face real questions about its labor practices abroad, the first time that it has felt a public-relations impact. At this point, that impact does not seem at all devastating. While Americans are generally horrified by the spectacle of child labor, and while they express concern over the working conditions in foreign factories, it takes a concerted effort -- or overwhelming publicity -- to make them translate those concerns into consumer activism. That new "Penny" shoe, after all, is hard to resist, no matter who made it.

Still, the basic truth about Nike is that its only real strength is its good name. Nike rules because of all the good things people associate with the company: sharp ads, Michael Jordan, Tiger Woods, little Penny, and Michael Jordan again. If "beaten workers" and "child labor" get added to that list, then Nike's greatest asset will become devalued. The great virtue of a name brand is that it can't be copied. The great vice of a name brand is that it can be besmirched.

In that sense, the burden is on the company both to do a better job of implementing company-wide global standards of conduct and to improve its openness to the media. The more you hide, after all, the more people think you have something to hide. Every hand that goes up in a camera's lens, every gate that slams shut, hurts Nike in the public eye. And when you're a consumer company, that's the only eye that matters.

On to Lesson # 5 -- Luxury and Responsibility

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